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Location: Kathmandu, Nepal
Date: Friday, February 4, 2005

[This brief news digest was prepared by Sara Shneiderman and Mark Turin,
researchers from Cornell and Cambridge universities, who are currently
based in Nepal. Due to the ongoing communications blackout and widespread
censorship in effect, little information about Nepal is getting out. We
are sending this email out through a secure V-SAT link from a foreign
mission in Kathmandu. Please disseminate this news digest widely to
friends of Nepal, to media outlets and to politicians in your own country
who may be willing to express their condemnation of the King's action. We
will continue to send brief updates as often as we can until
communications are restored.]

At 10am on Tuesday, February 1, 2005, Nepal's King Gyanendra gave a
televised address in which he sacked the country's coalition government,
dissolved the ministries and suspended fundamental rights under a State of
Emergency. Citing Article 127 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal,
1990, the King constituted a council of ministers under his own
chairmanship.

During his 40-minute speech to the nation, he heaped scorn upon Nepal's
political parties for allegedly destroying the country's infrastructure.
According to the King, despite having had adequate opportunities to
resolve the state's ongoing conflict with Maoist insurgents, or call an
election, the political parties had failed the people of Nepal. Laying
claim to the glorious history of the Shah dynasty, Gyanendra stressed the
age-old relationship between King and subjects and promised to restore
multi-party democracy within three years.

As the speech came to a close around 10:40am, all fixed and mobile
telephone lines were cut, and non-satellite internet connections were down
by the end of the day. By noon, the Kathmandu Valley was effectively
sealed off from the rest of Nepal and the outside world: Tribhuvan
International Airport was closed, with all incoming flights diverted
elsewhere, and the main road arteries out of the Valley were blocked by
security forces.

Despite these draconian measures, the city was calm, with most shops
remaining open through the end of the business day. There were rumours of
a curfew, which sent schoolchildren scurrying home in the mid-afternoon,
but these were unfounded. Armed security forces in riot gear were deployed
across the city, and there was little obvious protest against the King's
move.

Many citizens said they were relieved that the King had taken control,
stating that there was no other way out of the political stalemate that
has crippled the country for the last several months. To them, Gyanendra's
move was a brave risk, which would either see the King's previously mixed
reputation cleared, or destroyed once and for all. There were also many
sceptical voices, who feared a return to Panchayat era secrecy and the
repeal of liberties hard-won over the last fourteen years of democratic
process.

By Tuesday evening, there was no sign of communications returning, and
people gathered what information they could from their colleagues,
neighbours and friends. In discussions with Nepali journalists and
academics, foreigners in official and diplomatic positions in Kathmandu,
conflict monitoring groups and the media, we learned that the leaders of
major political parties, trade unions and student organisations were under
house arrest or taken to one of six major detention centres around the
valley. Captains and majors of the Royal Nepal Army were stationed in the
editorial offices of all national dailies in order to censor the morning
editions before they were put to bed.

contd....

On Wednesday, many of the foreign missions based in Kathmandu issued
statements. They had been taken by surprise by the royal-military coup,
and the United Nations, Unites States, United Kingdom, the Council of the
European Union and India all expressed varying degrees of strongly-worded
concern. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that he would not
attend the SAARC summit scheduled for the coming week in Bangladesh as a
vote of protest against 'political turmoil' in the region. Only China was
reported to have accepted the King's power grab without critique, stating
that it would not pass judgement on Nepal's internal affairs. Prachanda,
Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), issued a passionate
statement dated February 1 condemning the King's action and calling upon
'pro-people forces' in the country to join with the Maoists to topple the
monarchy and build a republic. The Maoists reiterated their call for a
three-day national strike, which had predated the royal proclamation.

Judging by the traffic on the streets on Thursday morning, the Maoist call
was not heeded, which many saw as an indication of King Gyanendra's
influence over the populace and iron grip over the nation's capital.
Outside of Kathmandu, the Maoist strike was apparently observed. Reports
started to trickle in from the rest of the country, thanks to limited road
travel in private vehicles and a brief reprieve in the communications
blackout (landlines were turned on for one to two hours each evening, but
internet servers, cellular phones and international lines remain blocked).

Specific events reported by reliable sources include a student
demonstration at Prithvi Narayan Campus in Pokhara which was fired on by a
military helicopter gunship leaving several protestors badly injured if
not dead; the blocking of all FM radio broadcasts outside of Kathmandu and
the instruction to those broadcasting in Kathmandu to play only
entertainment-oriented programmes; the BBC FM station recently established
in Kathmandu being forbidden from broadcasting the news in Nepali; the
closure of news stands outside of the Valley; and a 72-hour blockade on
long-distance public bus travel in and out of Kathmandu.

As of writing on Friday morning, the communications network remains down.
Journalists and human rights activists are concerned that they will be the
next targets for arrest now that most political leaders have been muted.
It remains to be seen how wide the web of detentions will be, but there is
a sense of powerlessness and foreboding for the future among those who
have previously expressed criticism of the state in any way.

Source: http://www.guardian.co.uk/Columnists/Column/0,5673,1405789,00.html

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Talk - before it is too late

Neither coups nor crackdowns will save Nepal's king or its rapacious upper class from the Maoist rebellion

Isabel Hilton
Friday February 4, 2005
The Guardian

The king of Nepal, like most autocrats, appears to believe that he speaks in the name of the people. When he dismissed the government, put political leaders under house arrest and shut down telephone and internet links he did it, he said, selflessly, "for the larger interests of the people". "The crown," he continued, "traditionally is held responsible for the protection of national sovereignty, democracy and also people's right to live peacefully."
In contrast to King Gyanendra, popular memory has it that democracy was wrung from the feudal monarchy by force of public protest as late as 1989, and that, whatever the failings of the elected governments that followed, democracy has rarely been protected by suspending parliaments or dismissing governments.

That democracy came late to Nepal was the fault of a stultifying social and political system that has stubbornly resisted change. For generations, Nepal's rulers opposed popular education on the grounds that an educated populace was likely to make demands. When democracy did come, it was never strong enough to address the yawning social and political inequalities that Nepal's tiny upper class still seem to regard as natural. In the vacuum produced by political paralysis, revolutionary Maoism prospered; currently 40% of the electorate support communist parties.

Today, bleeding from a nine-year civil war, a demoralised Nepal depends on external donors to keep staggering on. But the king's "pro-democracy" intervention has outraged the countries on whom Nepal relies for developmental and military support. Even India, which has a strong interest in seeing the Maoists defeated, has expressed outrage in strong and undiplomatic language.

So what will King Gyanendra gain? Nepal's politicians, admittedly not a disinterested group, call him an autocrat interested in personal power. He inherited the crown after the slaughter of his brother and nine other royal family members by the drunken crown prince, but has never commanded much public affection. His son Paras, now crown prince, is a notoriously violent thug whom few Nepalis would like to see on the throne. The Shah dynasty's future does not look very bright.

What, then, is the alternative? As of three days ago, the choice has been loyalty to the throne or to the Maoists. Anomalous though it may seem in the 21st century, a peasant movement led by Brahmins, a classic Maoist model, is now the second power in the land.

The Maoists' people's war, waged with an estimated 8,000 troops and up to 40,000 militia, has made steady progress against the larger and better-armed Nepali army and police. They control most of western Nepal and have made substantial inroads into the Kathmandhu Valley, where they collect "taxes" and conduct selected operations in the capital. Their rhetoric is that of Pol Pot's Year Zero, and they are confident, they say, that one day they will hoist the red flag on Mount Everest.

The government that the king dismissed, like its predecessors, sought to negotiate with the Maoists, whose opening position is a new constitution and the abolition of the monarchy. The Maoists refused to talk to the last government on the grounds that they were the king's puppets, and that it would be better to talk directly to he who pulls the strings. There are strong indications that the king shared this view, concerned, perhaps, that the one thing the revolutionaries and politicians might agree on was that the monarchy had no long-term future.

This is not the first time events have taken this turn. In 2002 the same king sacked the same prime minister for failing to hold elections, only to reappoint him last year with a mandate to hold elections and open peace talks. This time, King Gyanendra has given himself three years to restore peace and "effective democracy". He lavishly praised a free press, as he ordered the media to publish nothing that had not been authorised by his minister for truth; and multiparty democracy, as he stationed soldiers at Nepal's politicians' homes.

The very large assumption behind the king's actions is that the restoration of peace and democracy will be his call. In his televised speech to the nation, he referred to the Maoists as "terrorists" and compared Nepal's situation to that of democracies facing a "terrorist challenge". And so far, Gyanendra has enjoyed the backing of several of these: US special forces have been training the army and supplying weaponry, while Belgium, Britain and India have all lent military support.

It is time they reassessed: to conflate the Maoist insurgency with al-Qaida-style terrorism is a delusion that can only aggravate an already desperate situation. The reality is that Nepal faces a choice between the bloodbath of a Maoist assault on the capital, or the slow haemorrhage of the continuing "people's war". Gyanendra has tried the military solution. Now it is time to talk - if the Maoists are still picking up the phone.

? Isabel Hilton is author of The Search for the Panchen Lama
isabel.hilton@guardian.co.uk

Source: http://news.independent.co.uk/world/asia/story.jsp?story=607554

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Kathmandu seethes in silence after King's coup
By Justin Huggler in Kathmandu
04 February 2005


Nepali television started broadcasting again last night. But all it offered were newsreaders reciting the official propaganda line from King Gyanendra. Soldiers had been posted in every newsroom to ensure all broadcasts were suitably loyal. A country that had a lively free press just three days ago has now been reduced to Soviet-style television.

Kathmandu's streets are lined with soldiers armed with tear gas and assault rifles. Staff in newspaper offices are on edge. Conversations stop at the sight of an unfamiliar face. The reporters are suspicious of everyone. "We cannot speak freely," one journalist said. "We have to live here. We can't write about politics now. What are we going to put in the newspaper? Love stories."

A tape recording is circulating, apparently of the leader of Nepal's biggest political party, Congress, calling for street protests against the King's coup. The Congress leader, G P Koirala, is under house arrest and it was not possible to confirm if it was his voice.

Suddenly, information has become a limited commodity in Nepal. For three days, Kathmandu has been almost completely cut off, not only from the outside world, but from the rest of the country. No phone lines, no internet, no news reports.

It is causing growing discontent. "The political parties never did any good," said one student. "We are not worried about them. But this is the 21st century. We have a right to communication. He cannot take it away." And this is in a country in the grip of a Maoist insurgency that has cost more than 10,000 lives, where the daily news bulletins usually carry reports of the latest violence. For three days there has been no word from the rest of Nepal. No news from the rural areas controlled by the Maoists, or the towns still under government control.

"It's as if the Maoists had stopped the violence and stopped killing people," said Sushil Pyakurel of the National Human Rights Commission. "I don't think the Maoists stopped. I don't think either force stopped operations. Maybe the next time we meet I will be in prison. I fought for democracy before and I will fight for it again."

Nepalis contacted by phone when lines were briefly open last night in the government-held town of Dharan Bazaar said many government troops had been deployed in the town.

A general strike called by the Maoists was being observed in rural areas under their control. But it was largely ignored in Kathmandu. Usually shops close and life halts when the Maoists call a strike; everyone fears being singled out as an example. That Kathmandu ignored the strike calls may have been a sign that the policy of blocking information and communications had worked.

"The right to communication has been withdrawn," Mr Pyakurel said. "The right to information has been withdrawn. Compare the newspapers on 1 February with the night before. There was a complete change."

Despite the apparent call for protests yesterday from Mr Koirala the only demonstration was a rally in support of the King. Still, even there, students openly denounced his seizure of power in front of his supporters, and the watching soldiers.

"I think it is not right what the King has done," said Dipendra Distan, 20, a student. "It is against the Nepali people. Nepal is going to end up like Cambodia, Romania or Somalia." A crowd gathered around him, many nodding at what he said. With the Maoists watching events from afar, it is the comparison with Cambodia that will have most resonance in Kathmandu.

On the campus of Tribhuvan University, Nepal's main university, overlooked by the Himalayas, discontent is simmering and the students are on strike. But they say it has nothing to do with the Maoists' call for a strike. They are holding their own protest against the King's actions. Many student leaders have gone underground to avoid arrest. Unusually for Nepal, there is no welcome when you arrive at the university campus. There are no smiles, the students are grim-faced. These are angry people.

"All the students are against the King," Amrit Kumar Shresta, a 28-year-old postgraduate and student leader said. "We need democracy and we will fight for democracy. The situation is critical. We are prepared to die for democracy. We don't believe the King wants peace with the Maoists. And even if he does, it will be a dead peace, without freedoms."

It is a considerable headache for the West. Two months ago, Britain, the US and India warned King Gyanendra not to sack the government and take absolute power. Now he has called their bluff, trying to present himself as the only bulwark against the Maoists. That leaves the West with a dilemma: back Gyanendra, and his assault on human rights, or let Nepal fall into the hands of the Maoists, whom the West has condemned as "terrorists". For the West, either choice is unacceptable.

""Isabel Hilton is author of The Search for the Panchen Lama """

I understand where her anger is emerging from!


booooooooooo @ Isabel Hilton

*WTF is this, MF girijia......always lookin to brainwash innocent nepalis.......*

A former leader of crisis-hit Nepal has called for mass Ukraine-style protests to restore democracy to the country.

The ancient kingdom is in the middle of a political struggle after the king seized power in a coup and sacked the government - a move that has been condemned around the world.


Former prime minister Girija Pasad Koirala wants the country's citizens to take to the streets to overthrow King Gyanendra.

He said: "I call upon all the pro-democratic journalists, political workers, youths and students and Nepalese brothers and sisters to oppose this unconstitutional step of the king.

"I call upon them to take to the streets to restore the sovereign power of the people and safeguard the constitution of 1990."

In 1990, seven weeks of demonstrations and riots forced the king's late brother Birendra to bow to demands from democracy activists and agree to democratic government.

Maoist rebels have been told to accept peace talks with the king or face a crackdown.

The rebels have given no signs of being willing to talk.

After the king seized power, Maoist leader Prachanda denounced him as a "national betrayer".

The Maoists are battling to topple the monarchy and install a communist republic in an increasingly savage conflict that has claimed over 11,000 lives.

Telephone, mobile and Internet links have remained cut since the putsch by the king.

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courtesy : http://www.sky.com/skynews/article/0,,30200-13295670,00.html

[This brief news digest was prepared by two researchers who are currently
based in Nepal.]

Location: Kathmandu, Nepal
Date: Saturday, February 5, 2005

Communications remained down in Kathmandu on Friday, except for a few
brief windows in which land lines were turned on (between 12-2pm and
9-11pm). Many believe the phones to be tapped, and unusual clicks and
beeps are heard at the end of a phone call. Rumours are circulating that
it may be 15 days until fixed lines are completely restored, 3 months for
mobile service, and 6 months for internet service. The Himalayan Times
yesterday quoted the army Chief of Staff as saying that the communications
blackout was already helping the army in its campaign against the Maoist
insurgency.

Several more organizations and parties issued statements criticising the
royal coup, including the Federation of Nepalese Journalists, a consortium
of human rights organizations, the Akhil Nepal Mahila Sangh (all Nepal
Women's Association), and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Center -
Mashal).

Later in the day, the army raided the residence of Tara Nath Dahal, the
President of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists, but he had already
gone into hiding and was not captured. The former president of the Nepal
Bar Association, Sindhu Nath Pyakurel, was detained and reportedly held at
the Halchowk detention center. The current president of the Kathmandu
chapter of the Nepal Bar Association, Yogendra Adhikari, is reported to be
in hiding.

The National Human Rights Commission has stated that it will continue to
work under the Emergency. They will monitor detention centers as well as
private residences where leaders are under house arrest. In order to
address the crisis, the NHRC will remain open on Saturdays and Sundays as
well from 10am-12pm.

Members of the Nepal Bar Association have ascertained that 27 people were
formally listed as being detained under the Public Security Act (PSA), but
this number is only a fraction of the arrests that have taken place.
During the few hours that phones were functional, reports of mass arrests
came in from other parts of Nepal. 22 political leaders were said to have
been detained in Biratnagar. The Terai border towns continue to have the
most success at circulating information and protecting activists due to
their proximity to the Indian border and communications on the other side.
The International Committee of the Red Cross is active in Nepalganj, while
in Butwal, an anonymous group has begun printing a daily bulletin called
'Jana Awaj' that compiles information from the BBC and Indian press for
distribution inside Nepal.

The bus park remained closed for long distance travel for the fourth day.
According to operators, this was more a consequence of the Maoist bandh
which was being observed outside of Kathmandu than the Emergency. Although
some said transport would resume on Sunday or Monday, they could not
guarantee this.

The Emergency is already having negative economic effects. The Kantipur FM
radio station was forced to lay off 28 journalists yesterday since they
have no freedom to report, and Kantipur Publications Pvt Ltd is apparently
considering layoffs in the print sector today